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Mary and her suitors

       from
History of Scotland
John Hill Burton
Historiographer-Royal for Scotland
Vol IV pages 82-107

Mary, as a young widow

Ever since the death of Mary's first husband, the admirers of the young queen had been very troublesome. Besides the members of reigning houses who were offered or spoken of after the usual fashion of projected royal alliances, her steps were infested by audacious and demonstrative adorers, who had no claims to such a destiny. Whether the passive influence of her wonderful wit and beauty rendered this phenomenon inevitable, or it might be in any measure promoted by some little touches of seductive fascination in her manner, is a question which students of her history will in general decide for themselves. The most eminent among these miscellaneous admirers, and the one who came nearest to the rank which might have justified the expectation of her hand, was D'Amville, the second son of the Constable Montmorency, who afterwards succeeded to the offices and honours of his family-the most illustrious among the unregal nobility of France. He was one of those who accompanied the queen to Scotland. He had a wife; but to such homage as he was entitled to tender, that was no hindrance.

Arran, the heir of the house of Hamilton, was numbered among the queen's suitors. The position of that family at the juncture of Mary's return was very peculiar, and so was their conduct. The head of the house was next heir to the crown, and held this position not merely by genealogical tenure, but by the repeated acknowledgments of Parliament, which had made provision for his claims becoming effectual if the succession opened. it was not in human nature that the man so placed should enter, with the indifference of an ordinary subject, into questions about the most suitable alliance for his sovereign, and the desirableness of a direct heir appearing to the house of Stewart. Whether from temper or policy, he evaded the usual demands of homage paid by the nobility. His absence from Court was of course noticed, and was in fact rather the assumption of a diplomatic position than an ordinary discourtesy. Something of menace, too, appeared in his movements, and especially in his jealously fortifying and keeping well garrisoned the fortress of Dumbarton. The analysts of the day mention a sudden alarm arising in Holyrood House one summer night in the year I561, when the Lord James was absent suppressing the borderers, and the palace was peculiarly unprotected. This incident is isolated-unconnected with any train of events preceding or following it. It is briefly recorded in the quaint manner of Knox's History, in a spirit of latent sarcasm : " The queen upon a night took a fray in her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close, and the palace had been enclosed about. Whether it proceeded of her own womanly fantasy, or if men put her in fear for displeasure of the Earl of Arran, and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the guard, we know not. But the fear was so great that the town was called to the watch."

The shape into which the cause of this panic was put, was a design by young Arran to seize the queen and carry her into the district where the house of Hamilton was supreme. If the queen had, as Knox and others thought, no ground for her apprehensions, yet such an enterprise was not inconsistent with the spirit of the times, and it is impossible to disconnect it with certain subsequent transactions in which the name of so very practical a person as the Earl of Bothwell is mixed up. The alarm in Holyrood must have occurred in November 1561, the date of Murray's absence on the border; the further incidents now to be noticed belong to the spring of the following year. Knox was intimately concerned in them, and they are narrated with much distinctness in his History. The affair begins by Bothwell desiring a private interview with Knox, which was gladly conceded; and they met in the house of James Barron, a worshipful burgess of Edinburgh. The scene resolved itself into a sort of Protestant confessional. The earl bewailed his sinful life, and entered into particulars of his offences, whereof he heartily repented. But there remained behind a practical object in which he desired the Reformer's intervention-it pressed hard on him that he was at enmity with the Earl of Arran, and he solicited Knox's good offices for their reconciliation. Knox undertook the task with thorough goodwill; in some way or other it is evident that the heart of the austere preacher had been gained. He said his grandfather, father, and father-in-law had served under the banner of the Hepburns-this by the way, as connecting them together by the obligation of their "Scottish kindness;" but he had another and a more solemn function as the public messenger of glad tidings, and so he bestowed on the penitent a suitable admonition to prove the sincerity of his penitence by his reformation.

James Hepburn
Lord Bothwell

Bothwell stuck to the practical point-of a reconciliation with Arran. Knox busied himself in the matter, and after overcoming some practical difficulties, he had the satisfaction to see them meet and embrace, the Earl of Arran saying to his new friend, "If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies may serve and content me." Knox, who seems to have been mightily pleased with his handiwork, -left them with the benediction following: " Now, my lords, God hath brought you together by the labours of simple men, in respect of those who would have travailed therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part, but because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in His fear, for the profit of you both, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillity of this realm. "The good work seemed to be perfected, when next day Bothwell and "some of his honest friends came to the sermon with the earl foresaid,.whereat many rejoiced."

But in a few days the scene was changed. Arran came repeatedly to Knox, and poured into his ears a tale how Bothwell had offered to help him to carry off the queen, and put her in his bands in Dumbarton Castle, proposing at the same time the slaughter of Murray, Lethington, and the others that "misguide her." These revelations seem to have gone on for some time, when Knox at last found that his informant was raving. "He devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the heaven; be alleged that he was bewitched; he would have been in the queen's bed, and affirmed that he was her husband; and finally, he behaved in all things so foolishly that his frenzy could not be bid."'

He was subjected to the process by which in Scotland insane persons are deprived of the management of their property. "His madness cannot be doubted, whether or not it was rightly attributed to his despairing love for the queen. However it arose, his accusations against Bothwell, to which he resolutely adhered, were not only gravely considered and examined at the time, but were three years afterwards, when Bothwell returned from France, solemnly resuscitated in the form of a criminal indictment or summons of treason. In this document it is specifically set forth that Bothwell proposed a plan for seizing the queen when she was hunting in the fields, or in one of her rural merry makings, and conveying her with a sufficient force to Dumbarton Castle. There she was to be at the disposal of Arran; and it was part of the charge that by this Bothwell seduced him to join in the enterprise. As Bothwell did not appear to answer to the charge, he was outlawed, and the affair was forgotten amid the more stirring historical incidents in which he was to figure. As the conclusion of this episode, it is proper to note that in the end of April 1562, a month after the date attributed to Bothwell's conversation with Arran, the Castle of Dumbarton was yielded up to Captain Anstruther, to be held for the queen. In Knox's History the extraction of this fortress from the hands of the Hamiltons is spoken of as a breach of faith, on the ground that the custody of it had been granted to them 'till that lawful succession should be seen of the queen's body." Thus the fortress was understood to stand as a material guarantee for the protection of the house of Hamilton's right of succession to the throne.

See
Mary vs Huntley
for additional information

Sir John Gordon, the son of the rebel Earl of Huntly, conducted himself poorly as a lover of the queen and thereby cost him not only his life, but that of his father along with the title of Huntly. But the most troublesome and preposterous of all her train of admirers was a Frenchman named Cbatelar or Chastelard, who also fell a victim to his follies. Little is known of him, except from the pages of Brantome; but his mere appearance there, accompanied by expressions of eulogy and warm attachment, is sufficient to mark him as a man of distinction. The biographer says he was a native of Dauphiné, and a grandnephew by his mother of the illustrious Bayard, whom he resembled in person. According to the same authority, he owned in a high degree not only all the warlike and polite accomplishments of a high-bred gallant of the day, but possessed original literary genius, and could accompany his lute by his own poetry- "usant d'une poésie fort douce et gentile en cavalier." He was a follower of the Constable Montmorency, with whom he joined the body of gentlemen who escorted the queen from France. A gentil mot of his on that occasion has been recorded-that when a fog sprang up, and the necessity of lights was spoken of, he said the bright eyes of their mistress were sufficient to light the fleet past all dangers.

He had certainly been admitted on terms of some familiarity with the queen. Brantome says her love of letters led her to admire the young man's poems, of which she was often naturally the theme, and that she answered him in verses which raised within him the wildest aspirations. It is difficult to mark the limits within which at that period a royal personage at any of the French or Italian Courts might legitimately flatter and encourage a person of good birth, endowed with the literary accomplishments of the troubadour. The homage paid to Ronsard, by beauties of princely rank, was more like adoration than patronage. But Knox certainly shows ignorance of the fitting usages of a court at that time, when he says, "The queen would lie on Chatelar's shoulder, and sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck; and all this was honest enough, for it was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But the familiarity was so Lreat, that on a night he privily did convey himself under the queen's bed." 1 That he committed this folly, whatever his encouragement may have been, is beyond doubt, though Randolph states that by his own account his hiding-place was a part of the establishment still less adapted for romance or lovemaking.2 The occurrence was in Holyrood. For this first offence, though flagrant enough, he was spared and warned. Next day, however, as Mary spent the night at Bumtisland, on her way to St Andrews, he burst into her private apartment, either to plead a palliation for his conduct or to plead his suit. It is said in Knox's History that Mary desired him to be forthwith put to death, but that Murray, who was present, maintained it to be due to the fair course of ' justice, and more conducive to her own good repute, that he should be brought to trial, and the same is told at the time by Randolph writing to Cecil.

He was tried at St Andrews, condemned, and executed. The records of the Court of justiciary for that period having been lost, we are deprived of any light which they might have cast on this strange story. Whoever desires to read bow he died, like a true knight-errant, turning to the direction of his bright particular star, though it was obscured from his view, and unheard addressing her as the most lovely and cruel of her sex, may turn to the lively pages of Brantome. Chatelar's adventures fed many preposterous rumours, and the King of Spain was told that he had been hired in France to do as be did, for the purpose of ruining the queen's matrimonial prospects.

Chatelar had been sent to France with the other attendants of the queen soon after her arrival, and had found his way back to the centre of attraction. One of the few wise things done by Mary and her advisers was the speedy restoration to their own country of this foreign train, whose presence in Scotland, however discreetly they might have conducted themselves, would have fostered a special growth of jealousies and animosities, in addition to the already luxuriant crop. What the rest would have incurred we learn in the brief history of one of them who remained behind the others-D'Elboeuf, the queen's uncle. He was charged with having joined some dissipated Scotsmen in a nocturnal riot, in which they forced an entrance to the house of a citizen, seeking access to a damsel living there. It is not stated that they committed violence on her, or even got access to her; and her own conduct was so far from being irreproachable, that the affair arose out of a dispute as to the person to whom she had for the time being sold her blandishments, and the object of the riot was to put one of the claimants in possession. The criminal records of the day convey a very false impression of the social condition of the country, if far heavier offences of the same character were not of daily occurrence. Yet the participation of D'Elbceuf raised this paltry riot to a place in history. In Knox's Book it is said that " the horror of this fact, and the rarity of it, highly commoved all godly hearts. A sort of General Assembly was convened on the occasion, who addressed the queen in a long remonstrance about the impiety, "so heinous and so horrible that, as it was a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within this realm, principally within the bounds of this city, so should we think ourselves guilty of the same if negligently, or yet for worldly fear, we pass it over in silence." They predicted that its going unpunished might cause God's sore displeasure to fall on her and her whole realm. The queen resisted the prosecution of the offenders, but promised measures for better order in time coming.

It must be admitted, however, that so far as the clergy were concerned, they do not seem to have applied to the Frenchman a more rigid rule of virtue than that which they followed themselves and endeavoured to enforce on the community generally. They were under the impulse of that great reaction against the profligacy of the age-the reaction which, driven out of France, where it had its origin, swept England under the name of Puritanism, and established a permanent influence over opinion in Scotland. Calvin had to take his notions of the absolute rule of saintship away from France, where the Huguenots were in a minority, to the small state of Geneva; and Knox sought to establish in Scotland the same iron rule which his master was able with difficulty to hold over that small and peculiar state. The rigidness of the rule by which he and his brethren of the clergy had resolved to walk is better exemplified by one exceptional case of backsliding than by their professions of godliness. One of the new clergymen-Paul Methven, minister of jedburgh-was accused of connubial infidelity. Instead of any effort to conceal this reproach to their body, they proclaimed it aloud as an awful and inscrutable judgment, and hunted the accused man until, whether guilty or not, he fled from his pursuers. He had a claim that would have served him well in any Church disposed to hide the frailties of its zealous champions, for he had the glory of martyrdom. We find, him outlawed in 1559 for "usurping the authority and ministry of the Church," and addressing large assemblies in Dundee and Montrose. The excitement aroused in a considerable body of men by the revelation among them of this one black sheep, points to the conclusion that such sins were rare in the community to which Methven belonged. Had there been other instances of flagrant offence, these too would have been made known; for it was a peculiarity of the Presbyterian bodies to blazon the infirmities of their own members as judgments and warnings, while those of the opposite religion were-dealt with by ecclesiastical superiors, and shrouded in what they deemed decorous privacy.

While thus perplexed by immoralities without and within, the new Church had to look to the more serious question of its own safety, and the preservation of the Reformed faith. The question, which party should be supreme in Scotland, seemed to depend so much upon the queen's marriage, that both preserved a sort of armed neutrality until that event should take place, and declare for the one or the other. The anxiety on the point traveled indeed far beyond the bounds of Scotland: for if Mary, with her claims on the crown of England, were married to some great Catholic potentate, no one could ,calculate what strength such an event might bring to the cause of Rome; while, on the other hand, a Protestant king in Edinburgh would secure Scotland, at all events, to the cause of the Reformation. Her ambitious relations the Guises were fully alive to the important influence which the result must have on their own designs and prospects. It is only in the events of later times that we can appreciate the scope and tendency of the projects of that illustrious race, and see how near they were to the accomplishment of a great revolution. They appeared in all their lustre at a time when the French had few great men and were becoming discontented with the position they found themselves holding among European powers. What the family of Bonaparte since achieved, this ambitious house were on the point of achieving in the sixteenth century. If we look into the history of each of the several great men of the house, we shall find them all strengthening their position by a marvellously dexterous use of every available instrument, and uniting to propagate an impression throughout the world that some wonderful destiny was in store for them. They gave themselves out as the true descendants of Charlemagne, through that Lothaire, the founder of Lotharingia or Lorraine, whose race was superseded on the throne of France by the dynasty of Hugh Capet; and though they would have found it hard to prove this descent to fastidious genealogists, the history of their family gave plausibility to their claim. When their niece ascended the throne of France, they received a solid accession of power ; and whatever may have been the form of their ambitious dreams for the future, they had the certainty, while she and her husband lived, of ruling supreme in France.

The death of the young king was a severe blow to them, They had just perfected their measures for crushing the house of Bourbon, where, from the physical condition of the remnant of the Valois family, they saw the future probable successors to the throne of France. With the change of fortune, they were compelled to give up their hold on Condé, Coligny, and the other illustrious victims through whom the cause of the Huguenots and the Bourbon family were to be crushed; and they found in Catherine d'Medici, the mother of the boy who succeeded to the throne, one who had the will, and might very soon have the power, to trample them under her feet.

Don Carlos Proposed
Far from abandoning other great projects, however, the history of France declared how the Guises came back to the contest with redoubled efforts and new resources. The marriage of their niece, Mary was again in their hands, as a means of giving strength to the position of the Guises. They bethought them that, with her claims on the crown of England, were she married to the heir of the King of Spain, the most powerful monarch of the day, there would arise a more glorious prospect for her and themselves than even that which the death of King Francis had extinguished. Accordingly they laboured hard to bring about her marriage with Don Carlos, the heir of the Spanish crown, then in his sixteenth year. The project was unsuccessful, and of the manner in which it was defeated we at least know this much, that Catherine d'Medici was indefatigable in her efforts to baffle it. Among other evidence of her industry, some letters written in cipher to the Bishop of Limoges, the French ambassador in Spain, have lately been deciphered. They are interesting in themselves, as specimens of the subtle and tortuous method by which this incomprehensible woman worked for her ends. One reading these letters cannot of course fathom their ultimate objects, which are laboriously concealed from the bishop himself; but the overpowering intensity of her eagerness to stop the match between her daughter-in-law and Don Carlos breaks through all the avowed objects of the correspondence.

Philip's own intentions lie hidden among the other mysteries of his policy ; but it seems clear that he entertained, if he did not push, the match. Catherine's suspicions were directed against him at so early a period that, when Don Tuan de Manriquez was sent from Spain to France on a message of condolence for the death of Francis II., Catherine said this was a pretense; for his actual mission, in which he exerted himself, was to negotiate with the Guises for the marriage of their niece with Don Carlos. The preponderance which such an event would give to Spain, influenced the policy of France in relation to the resumption of the Council of Trent, as seriously affecting the influence which Spain, aggrandized by such an alliance, would exercise among the Catholic powers.

The immediate object most keenly urged by Catherine is a personal meeting with Philip. She seems to have thought that, if she once had an opportunity of talking with him, all her objects were gained-a curious instance of her thorough -reliance on her diplomatic powers, since it would be difficult to point in history to a potentate more obdurately and hopelessly self-willed than the man she expected to bring over. Intensely as she desired the interview, it must be so arranged as to seem unpremeditated; and she laid down a little chain of events through which it might be brought to pass as if it were fortuitous. In September, as she ascertained, the King of Spain would attend a public spectacle in Aragon. Towards the end of July her son would make his public entry into Paris, after his consecration at Rheims. She might herself go as far as Touraine under the natural pretext of visiting Chenenceati, the beautiful chateau out of which she had driven her hated rival, Diana of Poitiers. Her son the king would be with her, and they might probably go on to Gascony, where the King of Navarre had a project for letting the people see their young king; so she would be near Spain, and the meeting, which must appear to the world an affair of chance, might be accomplished.

If the meeting were held, she was to take the opportunity of proving to Philip that the proposed marriage would in reality be disastrous to the interests of the Church, the promotion of which was the avowed object for urging it. She knew that Philip held the interest of the Church beyond all things at heart; and could she but obtain this interview, there were innumerable shapes in which they could combine to promote that object, the dearest to her heart as it was to his. The Guises, though the self-constituted champions of the Church, were not truly devoted to it-they were too ambitious and worldly. Even now they were in league with the King of Navarre, whose interests would predominate in France along with theirs. Let the King of Spain sap this worldly coalition, and take to his bosom her own young son the King of France, inspire him with true zeal, and so raise up a hero worthy to serve with him in his great enterprise for the restoration of the rights of the Church. This pleading is a signal instance of the plausibility and subtle duplicity of the woman. She was then contemplating and preparing for an alliance of her own interests with those of the Guises, as likely to be the best security for her supremacy; but she did not desire that her prospective ally should acquire an influence which would give him the mastery. She relied thoroughly on the absorbing character of Philip's religious bigotry, though she had none herself; and yet at the same time she laid before him a small temporal bait, in case he should possess some latent element of worldliness, in her Allusions to the King of Navarre, who was then disputing with the King of Spain the possession of certain territories.

She did not obtain her interview, but she gained her ultimate end in breaking the match. She bore, in her objections to it, on the King of Spain's ear through all available channels, not forgetting his confessor. Her most available ally, however, seems to have been her own young daughter, who had been married to Philip after the death of Mary, Queen of England. Catherine had known and keenly felt the humiliation of giving precedence to the haughty beauty as reigning queen, on the death of her husband, and could tell her own daughter what she had to anticipate in a similar position. The mother, indeed, suggested that her daughter, the Queen of Spain, should endeavour to keep this preferment for her own sister, Marguerite of Valois, the same who became afterards the wife of Henry IV. It appears that at last Catherine d'Medici even influenced the Guises to abandon their project. But it was not abandoned by Mary herself when she was not under the influence of the violent attachments to which she afterwards yielded, and while she viewed her marriage as a politic arrangement, she scorned anything but a thoroughly great alliance. So when it was proposed to marry her to the Archduke Charles, the second son of the emperor, she contemptuously rejected him for substantial reasons. As a stranger, he would have no following or political influence in Scotland. Estimating him among the powers of Europe, he was nothing but a younger son, without fortune or title, and with no power to assert her birthright-the entire sovereignty of Britain. It was the more mortifying to her also to find that, when this marriage was proposed, Philip II drew back in courtesy to his uncle the emperor. When he learned Queen Mary's repulse of the German alliance, he reopened the negotiation, observing that he would have been well pleased to have seen his relation the archduke husband to the Queen of Scotland, if that alliance would have furthered the views he bad at heart; but he really believed a marriage with his own son would be more effective in settling religious difficulties in England. In the year 1563, when Don Alvaro de la Quadra was Spanish ambassador in England, there was at the same time a Spanish gentleman connected with his embassy named De Paz, who went to Scotland as representative of Spain with special instructions about the proposed marriage of Mary with Don Carlos, and, to shroud his journey in secrecy passed round by Ireland.

The negotiations of De Paz, and their immediate result, are as yet buried in mystery. We know, however, that Mary herself renewed the negotiations for the marriage, if they can be ever said to have died. She wrote earnest letters about it to Granvelle, her uncle the cardinal and her aunt the Duchess of Arschot. Castelnau, when he went to Holyrood after having delivered to Queen Elizabeth the mocking proposal for her marriage with the young King of France, said, probably with truth, that Queen Mary held easy and confidential communications with him about the several princes named to her, as the Archduke Charles, the Prince of Ferrara, several princes of Germany, and the Prince of Cond6, an alliance with whom would accomplish the desirable end of bringing the house of Bourbon on closer terms with the house of Guise. The ambassador hinted that a marriage with the Duke of Anjou would enable her to return to France. To this she said, with a touch of graceful sentiment quite her own, that indeed no other kingdom in the world had such a hold upon her as France, where she passed her happy youth, and had the honour to wear the crown; but appropriate to this honour, it would hardly be becoming for her to return thither to fill a lower place, leaving her own country a prey to the factions by which it was rent; and then as to the matter of dignity, she had high expectations from certain suggestions about an alliance with Don Carlos, who would succeed to the great empire of Philip II. It was on this alliance that her mind was bent, for she spoke of it twice emphatically, in the midst of the slighting remarks in which she passed the others in review.

She intrusted her secret foreign messenger Raulet, and one less known, called Chesein, to make for her those more full and confidential communications which she could not always trust on paper. What remains of this correspondence shows that much more existed, and that there were many communications to her friends abroad, which she rather trusted to the spoken explanations of faithful agents than to letters.

The fragmentary traces of her exertions in this cause give some insight into the extent of the system of secret communication with her friends on the Continent which she had established. Alava, the Spanish ambassador in France, is found writing repeatedly to Philip II. himself, in the Year 1564 and in the early part of 1565, with statements holy Beaton, the exiled Archbishop of Glasgow, whom he calls Queen Mary's secretary, presses for a definitive determination from Madrid on the question whether the marriage is to be or not. On the 15th of March 1565, he communicates the assurance of Beaton that unless the King of Spain come to the rescue, she will be, compelled to throw herself away on a cousin of her own-namely, Henry, Lord Darnley; and it is represented that she is deserted by her brother Murray, and driven by Queen Elizabeth to this undesirable union. A dispatch of the 4th of June states that there is still time, for she is not yet married, and ardently desires the protection of the King of Spain. This last appeal was written seven weeks before her marriage.

It is doubtful whether Queen Elizabeth, if she knew even that this project had been entertained, was aware how pertinaciously it was pressed. Knox, whose communications gave him means of accurate intelligence from the Continent, seems to have known something of what was going on, when he made those allusions to the queen's marriage which aroused her high displeasure. There is evidence that the ever vigilant Catherine d'Medici had considerable knowledge of the affair, and continued to be busily counterplotting. In letters written in cipher she earnestly pressed it on Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, the French ambassador at the Emperor of Germany's Court, to defeat the Spanish match by pressing the proposal for Mary's marriage with the Archduke CharleS. She sent Casteinau to Britain professedly to arrange the project already referred to of a marriage between Mary and her son the Duke of Anjou, the brother of the King of France and of Mary's dead husband. It was on the same mission that Castelnau was intrusted with the equally sincere proposal of a marriage between the young King of France and Elizabeth.

This king himself was among the reputed expectants of the hand of Mary; he is even said to have been deeply in love with her. Any project for their union, if it was ever really entertained at any time, had not vitality enough to call out the king's mother's active opposition, though her opinion against it is pretty clear She says the rumours about it were carried so far as to contain an assertion that the Pope's dispensation for a marriage so far within the forbidden degrees had been applied for, and was expected to arrive; but at the same time she says that this rumour was circulated for the purpose of concealing a project for marrying the young king to a granddaughter of the emperor, and that the author of the rumour was the King of Spain, who sought in this manner to stop a marriage which would too closely unite France and the house of Hapsburg. It is on the correspondence of the period, too, that, conscious how strongly the poor youth was attached to her, Mary threatened to accept him, in the hope that the threat would bring Philip II to terms.

Continental Suitors
Among the other Continental dignitaries not already named, who, by their own desire or the schemes of diplomatists, were counted among the suitors for Queen Mary's hand, there were the young Count of Orleans, of the house of Dunois, the nephew of her mother's first husband; the Duke of Nemours, of the house of Savoy; and the Duke of Ferrara. Greater than any of these was the young King of Denmark. The unhappy Eric, King, of Sweden, was another competitor for her hand; and his suit was pressed with considerable earnestness for nearly three years after her arrival in Scotland. His subsequent misfortunes were caused by personal defects, which were not likely to be considered in the estimate of his claim. Politically, such a union would have been the best that could be found for the Protestant party; and Queen Elizabeth, if the affair bad not been one about which female caprices and jealousies had got possession of her, would certainly have felt that a union between Scotland and a Protestant state fast rising into the position of a great European power was sound policy for the Protestant interest, and would have furthered the claims of the King of Sweden with her usual energy. Mary herself had, as we have seen, her own designs, to which it was not convenient to attract attention by the peremptory rejection of other proposals, and the negotiation with Sweden was allowed barely to live until it exhausted itself.

All this while there passed between the two queens expressions of cordial sympathy and intimacy, Mary throughout leaning with seductive confidingness on the counsel of her royal sister in the serious affair of her marriage. It is observable, however, that among her many letters to Queen Elizabeth which have been preserved, none are in the genial easy spirit of her French letters written with her own hand to her friends abroad. Whether she could write in English or Scots at that time, is, as we have seen, questionable. The few letters to Elizabeth in French, and the much larger number in Scots, are drawn by secretaries, and only pass out of the etiquette of state papers to express the feeling of cordial attachment and sympathy which the draughtsman was instructed to throw into his communication. Throughout, in the midst of the most profuse professions of regard and confidence, Mary is firm on the one essential point between them - she will give no distinct assent or ratification to the treaty of Edinburgh; and in the arrangements for their meeting, it was stipulated that " the said Queen of Scots shall not be pressed with anything she shall show herself to mislike, before that she be freely returned into her own realm."' This meeting, which was never to be, went so far on the face of the negotiations that the French ambassador De Foix reported to Catherine d'Medici bow it was to be held at Nottingham on the 8th of September 1562. He wrote in great alarm, anticipating a cordial alliance between the two queens, which would extinguish all remains of the ancient league between France and Scotland, and give England such an increase of power as would probably soon be proved in the recapture of Calais.

At the time we have reached, the great civil war had begun in which the Guises led the contest against the Huguenots, as representing not only the interests of Catholicism but the throne itself, since the king was in their possession. Queen Elizabeth sent over troops to aid the Huguenots. Randolph officially communicated this act to Queen Mary, who received the information in sadness, but in candour and courtesy, saying she believed her uncles were true subjects of their prince, and did but execute their orders; adding' that " she was not so unreasonable as to condemn those who differed from her in opinion, still less was she inclined on their account to abate anything of the friendship she felt for his mistress the Queen of England." The astute reporter of this scene assured Cecil, his master, in the end of December I563, that Mary heard almost as seldom from France as the King of Muscovy.

In fact, the gifted pupil of the Italianised French Court, under her winning smile and the bland courtesy which seemed also so full of candour, kept impenetrably hidden a subtle dissimulation, which was high art beside the clumsy cunning of Elizabeth and her English advisers, who could not rid themselves of the consciousness that they were doing what was uncongenial to British natures, and were ever apt to overact or otherwise bungle their part. At Holyrood the practiced statesman felt secure in his communications with a woman, young, gentle, and inexperienced, whose weaknesses were a careless frivolity and too easy reliance on others. At Westminster the same practiced statesman would have an uneasy consciousness that there was duplicity in the communication with him, though be might not be able to trace it home.

Dudley Proposed
In the course of the friendly messages between the Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, which chiefly now bore on the question of the marriage, Sir James Melville was sent to Elizabeth. He was a shrewd observer with a strong sense of the ludicrous, as well as an accomplished courtier; and his account of the attentions paid to him, the professions lavished on him and the tricks, as they might be termed, to secure his confidence, is highly amusing. He was not for a moment deceived, and set down the whole as dissimulation and jealousy.' His mission occurred at a curious juncture in the affair of the marriage, which gives a zest to his personal sketches of Darnley, Leicester, and other bystanders, as well as of Elizabeth herself. We are told how she stealthily shows him Leicester's picture, comparing the handsome courtierly man it represents with "yonder long lad" the Lord Darnley, and drives the faithful courtier nearly frantic by determining to have his candid opinion on her own personal beauty as compared with that of his mistress. At his wits' end how to give her some honest praise, he had his opportunity at last, when it was managed that by chance he should hear her performing on the virginals, and pleaded that while wandering about "his ear was ravished with her melody, which drew him into the chamber he could scarcely tell how." just before this visit Elizabeth had declared herself on the question of the marriage. She had objected to every claimant brought forward by others. Her position seemed unreasonable; but when she changed it for a positive recommendation, she only added amazement to the other misgivings and difficulties, by proposing her own favourite, Leicester. What did she mean by this? Was it to extinguish temptation by fixing a gulf between her, and one whom she loved not wisely, but too well? Was it to shut the mouth of scandal, by a sort of protest that she was totally indifferent to him? Was it a mere dash into the diplomatic proceedings about her royal sister's marriage, for the purpose of throwing them into confusion? These are questions which those only who know what kind of sentiments may vibrate through such sinewy hearts as hers can profess to solve.

The proposal scattered dismay among Elizabeth's sage advisers, who wist not what to do. Leicester had been giving himself airs among them; and though they might consider him a rash young man, whose intellect was inflated by intoxicating draughts of regal caresses, yet some: of the wisest of them covertly sought his goodwill, as that of the man who might some day soon be their master. Randolph, in his confidential communings with Cecil, muttered his uneasiness in conjectures about "how unwilling the queen's majesty herself would be to depart from him, and how hardly his mind could be diverted or drawn from that worthy room where it is placed, let any man see, where it cannot be thought but it is so fixed for ever, that the world would judge worse of him than of any living man, if he should not rather yield his life than alter his thoughts."' Murray seemed desirous of the match-at least he spoke well of it. Leicester himself seems to have been silent, awaiting his destiny at the hands of Elizabeth. Mary not having fallen in love with Leicester-whom, by the way, she never saw-did not abandon her ambitious projects of a great regal alliance; and after having slighted suitors who, if below her mark, were still royal, received the proposal to marry the upstart favourite of her rival with an angry disdain, which she could not or did not wish to conceal. Indeed she repeatedly brought it up and discussed it in voluble irritation with the perplexed Randolph. Was she, the widow of the greatest sovereign in Christendom, to mate with a mere subject of the English queen? It was useless to say that a subject of Scotland had been gravely commended as a fitting match for Queen Elizabeth. That subject was of royal blood, and might become a sovereign-his father was then heir of the crown of Scotland, and it might be that the descendant of such a marriage should inherit both kingdoms-but what was Dudley? Little better than a Court lackey, and remarkable in his descent only for the criminality of an ancestor who belonged to the offensive and rapacious class called in scripture publicans. There was an odd and something like a diseased desire to hover about this proposal, offensive as it was, along with the question of the marriage generally. Wayward and capricious as her talk was, however it never touched her projects about foreign princes. Sometimes it would take a gloomy turn. She, was sick of all projects for her disposal. Her heart was in the grave of her dead husband, and she took opportunity after opportunity to show how dear he was to her memory.

People of strong passionate natures are often subject to reactionary influence, productive of depression, debility, and futile restlessness. In after-years, Queen Mary's nerves were more than once thus shattered, but the cause was then only too conspicuous to the world. For three months before her second marriage, the English resident's newsletters are disturbed by like symptoms from causes of irritation and anxiety unknown. The death of her illustrious ,uncle, and the perilous position of the house of Guise; the negotiations with Rome-hidden under a Protestant policy that might crush her if they were discovered; her remorseless sacrifice of Huntly, the best friend to her Church and herself,-were items all-sufficient to frighten and unnerve the strongest nature Yet perhaps it was only that her vehement heart was not then occupied by any object of exclusive devotion. Repeatedly Randolph had to allude to her evident sufferings from some secret sorrow, and seemed to think that her days were numbered. At times she was so ill that he could not see her, however urgent his business. At others, she received him at long, bewildering, sorrowful conferences at her bedside. Then suddenly she had taken horse and gone off to Perth or St Andrews-on one occasion to Dunbar, where there was still a French garrison, and the resident suspected that she was on a perfidious and dangerous mission. The resident's correspondence at this period is rife with ominous rumours and unverified predictions. It has from this cause a sort of negative instructiveness, since it teaches us that afterwards, when a whole chapter of tragic events followed thickly on each other, we must not take for granted that every mysterious hint or rumour finding its way into the ambassador's budget of news indicated an accurate foreknowledge of what was to come.

Dudley had just received the title, by which he is best Cecil commending him to Murry and Lethington show how, "First, he is of noble birth and void of all evil conditions that sometimes are heritable to princes, and in goodness of nature and richness of good gifts, comparable to any prince, and much better than a great sort of living. He is an Englishman, and so meet to carry with him the consent of this nation to accord with theirs. He is also signally esteemed of the queen, so that she thinks no good turn or fortune greater than may be well bestowed upon him. And for his degree at this time, he is already an earl of this realm, and she will give him the highest degree." Behind this and other commendations on the part of English statesmen, there lies the question whether they spoke in the hearty desire to give effect to the wishes of their mistress, or were anxious to remove from her an object of temptation and a cause of scandal. It was no doubt by the order of their mistress that they became anxiously diplomatic as to what she would do in support of Mary's claim to succeed her on the throne of England. Through a hazy mist of words, however, there never comes the direct promise to acknowledge Mary as the nearest heir of Elizabeth. "She will cause inquisition to be made" in the matter, and so far as shall stand with justice and her own security, Queen Elizabeth "shall remove all things prejudicial to her sister's interest."

Henry Stewart
Lord Darnley

Mary Meets Darnley
An event of a simple character breaks in upon the various negotiations and intrigues for providing Mary with a husband, when the tall stature and fresh boyish face of a foolish youth settled the matter by love at first sight. It was at Wemyss Castle, a weather-beaten fortress on a rock rising from the northern coast of the Firth of Forth, that Mary first saw her cousin, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley, on the 14th of February 1565. He had just come from England to join his father, and finding the queen absent from Edinburgh on one of her many progresses, he, took the privilege of a relation to push on and visit her. They had no sooner met than the many keen eyes that watched the young widow and the handsome youth saw what was to be.